One need not go through 1000-odd pages of Justice MS Liberhan Commission report to conclude that it was just a piece of paper written by someone as a command performance. Along with the “terms of reference” Liberhan was perhaps also given a pair of blinkers. More than what he said in the report, what he did not say profiles the author.
The very fact that the report, deliberately “leaked” to get certain political mileage, became a dead story within two days speaks volumes for the credibility of the report. The national television channels suffering from pathological hatred towards anything that is “right” exhausted themselves on the very second day after the usual BJP bashing and lectures on “secular fabric of the nation”.
For newspapers it was just one-day tamasha and on the second day Liberhan-related stories were pushed inside. Had there been “meat” in the report, the Chennai-based national daily, which is known to be a “daily for the record”, would have published the text of the report and thus served the interests of “secularism” in the country. There were not even excerpts.
Why then the report was leaked after allowing it to gather dust “in the safe custody” of the Home Minister for more than five months? And who leaked it? These questions are becoming irrelevant since the purpose for which it was leaked was not served. On the contrary, it misfired and only suited those who were “indicted” in the report.
When the report was leaked to Indian Express, the understanding could have been that the daily would share it with a television channel of its choice. Everyone knows the professional relationship between the Editor-in-chief of Indian Express and NDTV. So, NDTV must be right when it says that it did not obtain the report from Home Ministry sources. This is like the lie of Dharmaputra on Aswattama.
Coming to the “mouse” that was unearthed by Liberhan after 17 years of futile exercise, what was happening from 1986 to 1992 was not something that was planned and executed as a secret mission. Every step of the Ayodhya movement was in public domain, whether it is “shila pujan” at every village, “shila nyas” at the site, and the Rath Yatra of Advani. There was extensive coverage of the movement in the media for which Liberhan finds fault with the media and wants journalists to be licenced.
The only issue on which there was no clarity was whether the actual act of demolition was pre-meditated or spontaneous. Liberhan was supposed to unravel this mystery; but he not only failed, but chose to indulge in conjectures.
Conjectures, after all, are an anti-thesis of any credible evidence. Therefore, Liberhan, naturally, talks about the exhortations by the Sangh Parivar leaders on various occasions to support his conspiracy theory and not a shred of concrete evidence. For this revelation you don’t need a commission.
Was there a secret meeting to hatch a conspiracy and if so, when and where? Who were all the participants in such a meeting? What was the decision taken? How was it executed? The report is silent on these aspects.
If public speeches of the leaders of the Ayodhya movement can be construed as conspiracy, then Mahathma Gandhi must also be a conspirator for the violence that was witnessed during the independence movement and for post-partition violence unprecedented in the history of mankind. After all, he gave his nod for partition after maintaining a stand that the partition could only be on his dead body.
Liberhan Commission was a fact-finding commission. It was expected to take a holistic view of the issue and offer suggestions or recommendations. It never went into the historic battle for a temple in Ayodhya. Demand for a temple for Ram in Ayodhya is not the brain child of Sangh Parivar in the latter part of the 20th century.
The conflict began in 16th century after Mir Baqi, a General of Moghul Emperor Babur built a mosque after dismantling a 11th century temple. In 1855, there were conflicts between Sunni revivalists and Hindus which claimed nearly one hundred lives. There were frequent skirmishes subsequently and in 1934, there were country-wide Hindu-Muslim riots and Hindus broke parts of the Mosque wall and damaged the dome. Hundreds were killed during these riots. Sangh Parivar was nowhere in the picture.
During the thick of this controversy, Gandhiji wrote in his Navjivan (July 17, 1937) “Mosques built after destroying temples are the sign of slavery and Muslims should hand over the same to Hindu society”. Certainly, our ultra-seculars can’t blame Gandhiji for taking the side of “communalists”.
12 years later, i.e. in 1949, an idol of Ram was installed in the disputed structure when the great secularist Jawaharlal Nehru was at the helm. Following protests, he ensured that the structure was locked.
Who opened the locks? It was his grandson Rajiv Gandhi who opened the lock in 1986 for Shilanyas. Arun Nehru of the Nehru family also played a key role in unlocking the gates of the structure. Liberhan does not think it fit to recall these events nor the fact that this happened during the Congress regime in Uttar Pradesh when Bir Bahadur Singh was the chief minister and Buta Singh was the Union Home Minister. The Congress thought that this would take the wind out of the Sangh Parivar’s campaign for the temple, but everything backfired for the Congress.
Liberhan also talks about the destruction of “secular fabric of the nation” and puts the blame squarely on the saffron forces. Had he taken a peep into the history of Ayodhya movement from the 16th century, he would have noticed that the obduracy of the Muslims in not allowing a temple for Ram, worshipped by millions of people of this country, was also equally responsible for the continuing conflict and the frustration of the majority community. There was no worship at the mosque for decades and the site was not a most holy place like Mecca or Madina for Muslims to be so sentimental about the place. The offer of the Sangh Parivar to construct a mosque in any nearby place at their own cost was also spurned.
Syed Shahabudin , architect of the Babri Masjid Action Committee, promised to give up the demand for the site if it was proved that there was a temple beneath the disputed structure. But, when the Archeological Survey of India started the excavation in mid-nineties and artefacts resembling Hindu structure started surfacing, there was a feverish attempt to stop the excavation. Liberhan turned an ostrich when these facts stared at him.
What is appalling in the report is the clean chit given to PV Narasimha Rao. It was preposterous on his part to say that in the absence of President’s Rule, he could not have done much. Was there a governor in the country who refused to oblige the Centre? Liberhan was partly right when he says that PV trusted the Parivar. Why did he trust the Parivar? Because in the gatherings at Ayodhya prior to December 1992, there were no attempts to tamper with the structure. He must have thought, in the absence of intelligence report to the contrary, that Dec 6 gathering also would pass off without any major disturbance. But his hopes were belied as that of the top honchos of the Parivar. Only the imbeciles would believe that Advani and others, after planning the demolition, would come to Ayodhya and preside over the disaster.
As the renowned journalist, Mark Tully pointed out in one of the television shows, BJP leaders were politically shrewd enough to know that they could sustain the movement only when the disputed structure stood in tact. And he was right. With the demolition of the structure, the movement also lost its fizz and the political graph started declining for the BJP as well.
But how could Liberhan recognise these realities when he had his blinkers firmly placed?
Sunday, November 29, 2009
Thursday, November 5, 2009
TROUBLED STATES
It is more than a mere coincidence that two states in the South ruled by two surviving national parties are in a state of political flux and distress and what is more, there are a number of similarities between the two. Problems of both are self-made; both are suffering from the side effects of uncouth and unabashed display of money power in politics; and for both trouble is not from outside, but from within with groupism ruling the roost. It is difficult to say which is the B-Team of the other is. It used to be said that the BJP is the B-team of the Congress and now when you look at the manner in which the BJP is conducting itself, outbeating the Congress in political morality, you can easily say that the Congress is the B-team of the BJP.
The most vulgar manner in which the Reddy brothers of Bellary are flaunting their well-gotten or ill-gotten wealth to put a government on notice is something unprecedented and next only to the late senior Ambani’s political game during Rajiv Gandhi’s tenure and thereafter, that everyone who is interested in decent public life has to hang his head in shame. It will be a distraction of convenience to attribute political affiliation for such unscrupulous businessmen who use politics as a shield.
Yes, for the moment Bellary brothers are in the BJP. The very same brothers were close confidantes of the late YS Rajasekhara Reddy when he was alive and with whose overt and covert support, they allegedly amassed wealth by means fair or foul in so far as their AP ventures were concerned. Their interests are in both Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka, because the mines, geological bounties of nature, do not know geographical boundaries nor do they recognise linguistic boundaries. Hence, their interest is in both the states. Business interest is uppermost in their agenda and not public interest. They invested in BJP in Karnataka and in Congress in AP and we are only witnessing its fallout in both the states today. There are reports that if they are not contained in Karnataka, they may target the AP government which is already tottering.
If the BJP made use of their money power and muscle power in Karnataka, now is the pay-back time for the party. And what they want in return for their support to the party is the head of Yeddiyurappa on a platter. Not because, the Karnataka chief minister swerved from the promises he made to the electorate, but for the simple reason that Yeddiyurappa’s continuance in power is not in their business interest.
If you live by the sword you must be prepared to die as well with the same sword. Yeddiyurappa or his political mentors in Delhi should have known this basic principle when they supped with Reddy brothers. Were the party bosses not aware of the brothers style of politics when the latter were putting the eggs in two rival political outfits at the same time as an insurance for their business. Playing footsie with YSR, they ensured that there was no interference in their business activities in the state. They wanted Yeddiyurappa also turn the other way. But, Yeddiyurappa is no YSR to have mastered the technique of running with the hare and huting with the hound.
Why did Yeddiyurappa not oblige the Bellary brothers, and on the contrary, queered the pitch for a political crisis. It will be foolish to say that political morality made the Karnataka CM to take on the Reddy brothers nor will it be correct to say that the CM wanted to assert his authority. Whatever the reason, here is a stark reality that is staring at all of us. Money power would like to buy over Constitutional power and run the state through its own proxy. Are we going to allow this?
Amidst the dark clouds, the only silver lining is that so far (at the time or writing this piece), the higher ups ensconced in New Delhi have not yielded to money power, but the fact that they are negotiating with those who should never be in politics in the first place is the indicator to the depth to which the party with a difference has descended. The party should have shown the Bellary brothers their place even if it meant sacrifice of power. That would have enhanced the image of the party which has taken a severe beating in the past.
While the neighbouring Karnataka is on the throes of a political crisis induced by money power, Andhra Pradesh is witnessing a crisis of political and administrative authority on account of poverty of leadership and clueless high command. The writ of APCC chief does not run in the party. Except for a handful of rootless wonders, Congress leaders care a damn for the party chief. The Congress chief in the state looks pathetic when he says, after he was snubbed by his own party men rejecting his alliance proposal with PRP, that his party will have a long-term alliance with the beleaguered PRP for 2014.
Andhra Pradesh cabinet has become the theatre of the absurd. Home Minister of the state says that YSR’s son is the only charismatic leader who can provide leadership. Is this not an expression of no confidence in the present head of government? Another minister who was in the forefront of “Jagan Bajan” programme turns around and swears by the present chief minister, when he finds that the latter will have a longer haul. There are reports that the ministers do not attend to their official work and are looking towards Delhi for the final word on leadership. Groupism that was the hallmark of the party in the state in eighties and nineties has staged a comeback with vengeance and it is going to be disastrous for the party. It is this “crab” mindset that prompted APCC chief to come out with an absurd proposal to align with the truncated PRP for the GHMC polls. The present chief minister is unable to inspire confidence among the members of his own cabinet, let alone the rank and file of the party.
If the money power is threatening the very existence of the BJP government in Karnataka, it is a different play of money power in AP which spells doom for the present regime.
The most vulgar manner in which the Reddy brothers of Bellary are flaunting their well-gotten or ill-gotten wealth to put a government on notice is something unprecedented and next only to the late senior Ambani’s political game during Rajiv Gandhi’s tenure and thereafter, that everyone who is interested in decent public life has to hang his head in shame. It will be a distraction of convenience to attribute political affiliation for such unscrupulous businessmen who use politics as a shield.
Yes, for the moment Bellary brothers are in the BJP. The very same brothers were close confidantes of the late YS Rajasekhara Reddy when he was alive and with whose overt and covert support, they allegedly amassed wealth by means fair or foul in so far as their AP ventures were concerned. Their interests are in both Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka, because the mines, geological bounties of nature, do not know geographical boundaries nor do they recognise linguistic boundaries. Hence, their interest is in both the states. Business interest is uppermost in their agenda and not public interest. They invested in BJP in Karnataka and in Congress in AP and we are only witnessing its fallout in both the states today. There are reports that if they are not contained in Karnataka, they may target the AP government which is already tottering.
If the BJP made use of their money power and muscle power in Karnataka, now is the pay-back time for the party. And what they want in return for their support to the party is the head of Yeddiyurappa on a platter. Not because, the Karnataka chief minister swerved from the promises he made to the electorate, but for the simple reason that Yeddiyurappa’s continuance in power is not in their business interest.
If you live by the sword you must be prepared to die as well with the same sword. Yeddiyurappa or his political mentors in Delhi should have known this basic principle when they supped with Reddy brothers. Were the party bosses not aware of the brothers style of politics when the latter were putting the eggs in two rival political outfits at the same time as an insurance for their business. Playing footsie with YSR, they ensured that there was no interference in their business activities in the state. They wanted Yeddiyurappa also turn the other way. But, Yeddiyurappa is no YSR to have mastered the technique of running with the hare and huting with the hound.
Why did Yeddiyurappa not oblige the Bellary brothers, and on the contrary, queered the pitch for a political crisis. It will be foolish to say that political morality made the Karnataka CM to take on the Reddy brothers nor will it be correct to say that the CM wanted to assert his authority. Whatever the reason, here is a stark reality that is staring at all of us. Money power would like to buy over Constitutional power and run the state through its own proxy. Are we going to allow this?
Amidst the dark clouds, the only silver lining is that so far (at the time or writing this piece), the higher ups ensconced in New Delhi have not yielded to money power, but the fact that they are negotiating with those who should never be in politics in the first place is the indicator to the depth to which the party with a difference has descended. The party should have shown the Bellary brothers their place even if it meant sacrifice of power. That would have enhanced the image of the party which has taken a severe beating in the past.
While the neighbouring Karnataka is on the throes of a political crisis induced by money power, Andhra Pradesh is witnessing a crisis of political and administrative authority on account of poverty of leadership and clueless high command. The writ of APCC chief does not run in the party. Except for a handful of rootless wonders, Congress leaders care a damn for the party chief. The Congress chief in the state looks pathetic when he says, after he was snubbed by his own party men rejecting his alliance proposal with PRP, that his party will have a long-term alliance with the beleaguered PRP for 2014.
Andhra Pradesh cabinet has become the theatre of the absurd. Home Minister of the state says that YSR’s son is the only charismatic leader who can provide leadership. Is this not an expression of no confidence in the present head of government? Another minister who was in the forefront of “Jagan Bajan” programme turns around and swears by the present chief minister, when he finds that the latter will have a longer haul. There are reports that the ministers do not attend to their official work and are looking towards Delhi for the final word on leadership. Groupism that was the hallmark of the party in the state in eighties and nineties has staged a comeback with vengeance and it is going to be disastrous for the party. It is this “crab” mindset that prompted APCC chief to come out with an absurd proposal to align with the truncated PRP for the GHMC polls. The present chief minister is unable to inspire confidence among the members of his own cabinet, let alone the rank and file of the party.
If the money power is threatening the very existence of the BJP government in Karnataka, it is a different play of money power in AP which spells doom for the present regime.
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